A liberal monarchist although not Orleanist and Catholic political writer, Marchal had already written anti-republican and anti-socialist essays. That year, A.
Beginning with Tocqueville, the French liberals developed new ways to think elitist politics in the age of democracy and socialism. Thus, the liberal tradition -- for which the very idea of democracy had always been alien -- now offered the second pair as an acceptable option, whilst rejecting the first, on the grounds that it would necessarily destroy freedom and diversity under the weight of the state.
Some of the most important French liberal thinkers, journalists and politicians of the time contributed to the making of this new image of Russia ; likewise, the direct relationship between a liberal worldview and a certain perception of that country became apparent.
By means of this set of representations the liberal tradition was able to confront the challenge of the socialist and romantic images of Russia as a paradise of equality and autonomy. The image of Russia as communism is conspicuously absent from the major works on the image of Russia in France in the nineteenth century. Exceptionally, in his Voyage en Russie Paris : Levrault, , p. In some Rousseauian circles America was considered a paradise of rural simplicity, equality, and virtue, and, as is well known, the American political texts played a major role in the French revolution of This is not to say, however, that there is a strong discontinuity between the two periods.
On the contrary, as will become evident in this work, most of the later elements were also present in the nineteenth-century debates.
To put it in other words, it was more a matter of different emphasis than of a different meaning. Schleifer, op. Lamberti, op. Marini, art. Although Tocqueville disliked doctrinaire political attachment to the middle classes and despised the French middle classes in general , the role of that social group in the theoretical constructs of Guizot and Tocqueville is quite similar.
On this issue see J. Similar ideas can be found in E. Dussieux, Force et faiblesse de la Russie au point de vue militaire Paris : Tanera, : France et Russie Paris : Jouaust, : , On the contrary, the communal tenure of land by the Russian communes is politically noxious and unacceptable. Marchal, Le socialisme en Russie Paris : Guiraudet, : 9, 19, 24, 28, , , More contemporary cases of Russia as a communist society could be provided.
Divisions have weakened the solidarity of the Russian middle class and questioned its role as a catalyst for democratic change. That crucial dividing line is between those who depend on the state for their livelihood and those who work in the non-state sectors of the economy. As commentator Andrei Kolesnikov puts it:. The … end of the post-Soviet transition created a specific kind of middle class: one that grew out of oil and gas deposits, one that demanded both bread and circuses … But there is another middle class, too, born out of something very different … the giant army of state officials and public sector workers.
Then there are the security services, investigators, prosecutors, judges: the backbone of the state. The class of people working not just directly for the state but also for state corporations and banks, and private structures whose existence depends entirely on connections with the state and officialdom. There was no running water, and piles of human waste were a threat to the health of the workers. The poor conditions only aggravated the situation, with the number of strikes and incidents of public disorder rapidly increasing in the years shortly before World War I.
Military reversals and shortages among the civilian population, however, soon soured much of the population. German control of the Baltic Sea and German-Ottoman control of the Black Sea severed Russia from most of its foreign supplies and potential markets. By the middle of , the impact of the war was demoralizing.
Food and fuel were in short supply, casualties were increasing, and inflation was mounting. Strikes rose among low-paid factory workers, and there were reports that peasants, who wanted reforms of land ownership, were restless.
The tsar eventually decided to take personal command of the army and moved to the front, leaving Alexandra in charge in the capital. It was another major factor contributing to the retaliation of the Russian Communists against their royal opponents.
After the entry of the Ottoman Empire on the side of the Central Powers in October , Russia was deprived of a major trade route through Ottoman Empire, which followed with a minor economic crisis in which Russia became incapable of providing munitions to its army in the years leading to However, the problems were merely administrative and not industrial, as Germany was producing great amounts of munitions whilst constantly fighting on two major battlefronts.
The war also developed a weariness in the city, owing to a lack of food in response to the disruption of agriculture. Food scarcity had become a considerable problem in Russia, but the cause did not lie in any failure of the harvests, which had not been significantly altered during wartime.
The indirect reason was that the government, in order to finance the war, had been printing millions of ruble notes, and by inflation increased prices up to four times what they had been in The peasantry were consequently faced with the higher cost of purchases, but made no corresponding gain in the sale of their own produce, since this was largely taken by the middlemen on whom they depended.
They wanted to overthrow the government in favour of giving power to the peasants. Although they were greatly uncoordinated in their efforts, they carried out approximately 2, political assassinations in the years leading up to the Revolution. Social Democrat beliefs were based on Marxism. They did not consider that the peasants would rise in revolution. They focused on agitation amongst the workers in the cities.
The group split in after an ideological disagreement.
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